Lecture Notes Week Nine: Anthropology 3291 © 2001 Michael Deal

Settlement/Subsistence Models

New Brunswick:

When Ganong compiled the first comprehensive list of possible prehistoric sites in New Brunswick, he had to rely primarily on the early historic literature, modern native informants and place-name nomenclature. In fact, he was only able to cite four archaeological sources. Since that time hundreds of prehistoric sites have been located around the province and many have been excavated. Ganong reported sites within seven districts. His first two districts roughly coincide with the archaeological areas used. The latter includes the Chiputneticook-St. Croix Drainage and Passamaquoddy Bay (Ganong's Passamaquoddy District), the Saint John River Drainage area (Ganong's Saint John District), and the eastern coast (Ganong's Petitcodiac-Missequash, Richibucto, Miramichi, Nepisiquit and Restigouche Districts). The latter districts are still too poorly known archaeologically to be given separate consideration. The three archaeological areas also coincide with the early historic aboriginal territories of the province, which survived into the 20th century as family hunting territories .

Area 1: Chiputneticook-St. Croix Drainage and Passamaquoddy Bay

This archaeological area includes the New Brunswick portion of the territory associated with the Passamaquoddy as late as 1890 . It includes the Chiputneticook and West Grand Lake systems, which are drained by the St. Croix River into Passamaquoddy Bay, and the Magaguadavic Lake system, which is drained by the Magaguadavic River into Passamaquoddy Bay. Most of the archaeological research conducted on the interior lakes and rivers of this area was done during the early 1980s, after the Canadian Government designated the St. Croix drainage a Waterway Recreational Area, and before it became a Canadian Heritage River System (Archaeology Branch 1989). This included archaeological surveys on both sides of Spednic Lake and the St. Croix , analyses of private collections , and excavations at the Diggity and Mud Lake Stream sites. An avocational archaeologist had previously surveyed and excavated sites on Magaguadavic Lake .

By contrast, Passamaquoddy Bay, also known as the Quoddy region, has been the focus of intense archaeological activity since the late nineteenth century. Research in the coastal Quoddy region began with surveys and excavation in the 1880s .0After a long hiatus, survey began again in the 1950s and continued into the 1980s . 1 Several coastal sites were excavated at Digdeguash Harbour and St. Andrews ,2 Teacher's Cove , 3Minister's Island 4 and Sand Point .5 Earlier collections were also reexamined, including materials from Phil's Beach (Bocabec) and Holt's Point on the Bocabec River .6 Archaeological fieldwork in the Insular Quoddy region began much later and is still underway, including surveys of Grand Manan, Partridge, Deer, and Bliss Islands . 7 Several excavations have been conducted in association with these surveys
Champlain's narrative on the native groups of the Bay of Fundy coast and areas south suggests a simple cyclical settlement and subsistence pattern, involving summer coastal habitation and a winter inland hunting season .8 Sanger was the first to point out that this model was inconsistent with archaeological information from northern Maine.9 Faunal evidence from the Maine sites suggested a winter coastal occupation for the late prehistoric period. Subsequent field work in the coastal Quoddy region suggested a similar pattern for southwestern New Brunswick .0 Sanger suggests that this apparent reversal in settlement use was a result of the intensification of the fur trade during the late 16th century. 1 According to this scenario, native groups hunted fur-bearers in the winter and moved to the coast in the summer to trade with visiting Europeans.

Snow has suggested a general dualistic settlement pattern for the early and middle Woodland cultures along the northeast coast up to the Saint John River, featuring interior summer camps and winter coastal occupation. 2 His model for the late Woodland has been referred to by Sanger as a "centralistic" resource exploitation pattern, involving larger settlements on the major rivers, from which collecting trips were made to inland and coastal resource sites.3 According to Sanger ,Snow's early-middle Woodland model appears to be refuted by evidence of possible year-round occupation for some coastal sites, while a lack of evidence for large village sites brings his late Woodland model into question. 4 As an alternative to Snow's model, Sanger suggests that nucleation into larger villages in river valleys like the Saint John began after European settlement, when native populations were devastated by diseases and native groups felt a need to assert their control over riverine trade routes (i.e., the ethnohistoric pattern). 5

Sanger haracterized coastal Quoddy sites as cold weather base (i.e., residential) camps, from which small groups sortied to exploit local resources (i.e., to logistical camps).6 Campsites were intentionally located with south to southeast orientations, preferably with a height of land behind, to break the prevailing wind and take advantage of exposure to sunlight. Another adaptation to cold weather was the use of semi-subterranean dwellings during the late prehistoric period . 7 There is tendency for dwellings to be located towards the interior of these coastal sites, while deeper shellmidden deposits were located along the beach. Sanger suggests a generalized hunting/gathering subsistence pattern for this region. 8 Shellfish were obviously an important factor in site location, while various nearby marine and terrestrial habitats were extensively exploited (i.e., Sanger's "effective working territory"). Boating technology allowed for a larger marine versus terrestrial catchment area. However, tidal ranges in the region would have greatly affected the scheduling of activities, in that canoeists would try to avoid the wider intertidal zone in favour of sheltered coves . 9

The Chiputneticook-St. Croix drainage area is believed to be the principal interior resource area for the ancestral Passamaquoddy. The St. Croix River is not easily navigable and there is very little evidence of campsites along the river, especially between the West Grand and Chiputneticook Lake systems. Snow suggested that, since the ancestral Passamaquoddy did not have the same ready access to inland resources as their neighbours the ancestral Maliseet and Penobscot, they may have been led to a mutually advantageous exchange in foodstuffs during the late prehistoric period. 0 However, Sanger suggests that the Passamaquoddy tribal territory known from ethnohistoric sources may not reflect the prehistoric situation. 1 He suggests that the St. Croix may not have served as a major interior waterway at all, and that the interior and coastal inhabitants were two different populations . 2

Spednic Lake is the largest interior waterway on this system. Archaeological evidence from this lake suggests that there were two settlement areas at opposite ends of the lake, that were used as bases for fishing, hunting, and birding expeditions during from later spring to fall seasons . 3 A winter occupation cannot be demonstrated or ruled out. The remaining late prehistoric sites are widely dispersed along the lake, including sites on islands and the tips of long narrow peninsulas. These were probably logistical campsites between the two larger residential areas. No semi-subterranean dwellings have been identified at these interior sites. Instead, more generalized activity areas and pit features are present. The supporting posts for interior houses probably sat on the surface of the site, like historic wigwams, and therefore did not leave postholes.

Snow suggests a somewhat greater reliance on sea mammal hunting in the Passamaquoddy Bay area due to the relative richness of marine resources in that area.4 Not surprisingly, there is ample evidence for marine exploitation from the insular sites in the area, which is now referred to as the Insular Quoddy region 5 Coastal Quoddy shell middens contain primarily soft-shelled clams, while insular sites feature more horse mussel and sea urchin shell and less clam shell .6 Black and Turnbull note that sea urchin exploitation appears to increase during the late prehistoric period. 7 Outer insular sites appear to be more seasonally specific and resource specialized. Black and Turnbull suggest a pattern of seasonal movements from residential sites on the mainland and larger islands to marine (logistical) resource sites on the smaller islands during warmer weather. 8

Black presents a detailed and fine-grained, ecological-based analysis of late prehistoric occupation of the Bliss Islands. 9 During the Middle Woodland period, the Bliss Islands may have been utilized periodically during both the warm and cold seasons, and possibly year-round. Both summer and winter sites and dwelling remnants are identified. Black presents a pattern of faunal exploitation involving shellfish collecting in the winter and spring, deer hunting in spring and summer, birding in the summer, vertebrate fish harvesting from traps and weirs in summer and fall, and grey seal hunting in winter.0 By contrast, Late Woodland camps are warm season occupations and faunal assemblages indicate a greater emphasis on hunting and less emphasis on littoral resources. Black's reconstruction suggests the hunting of harbor seals in spring and early summer, harvesting of herring and cod, and birding in summer, and deer and moose hunting in fall. 1 He suggests a maximum population density for the Quoddy region during the Middle and early Late Woodland period, which coincided with a period of high productivity in shellfish species due to a stabilization of the local shorelines . 2 Black further speculates that after 1500 years ago sea levels gradually began to rise, causing a reduction in shellfish productivity, and a native response of exploiting more diverse resources and higher level of mobility.3 He echos Snow's observation, that Late Woodland populations began to concentrate in a few larger (residential) villages on the mainland, such as the heads of tide of major rivers, with smaller resource sites on the islands . 4 He also accepts Loring's notion of a late prehistoric regional exchange system based on lithics, and possibly birchbark.5

Area 2: Saint John Drainage

In historic times the Saint John Drainage, along with the Tobique and Temiscouta areas, up to the St. Lawrence River, were major portions the Maliseet territory. 6 Archaeological research in the New Brunswick portion of this area has focussed on the confluence of the Tobique and Saint John rivers, the Lakes Region, and the mouth of the Saint John River. Moorehead spent two weeks on the upper reaches of the Saint John River during his 1914 expedition in search of "Red Paint" sites. 7 He tested several sites between Edmonston and Eel River, and sunk several hundred test pits for a 4 km radius about the mouth of the Tobique River. After Moorehead, the upper Saint John River area was left primarily to local avocational archaeologists 8 with limited professional survey and excavation work . 9 In 1990 there were only 22 sites known from the Tobique region, yet they indicated a long prehistoric sequence . 0 In 1993, the Tobique First Nations community sponsored fieldwork at the Bernard site, with the help of David Keenlyside Curator for Atlantic Archaeology at the Archaeological Survey of Canada. 1

In the Lakes Region, along the central portion of the Saint John River, a limited amount of survey and excavation work was conducted during the late nineteenth century 2 Recent archaeological interest began in the 1960s with Pearson's survey, 3Davis's analysis of ceramics from the Key Hole site,4 and Sanger's excavation of a Late Archaic cemetery at Cow Point.5 Subsequent survey work at Grand Lake 6 lead to excavations at the Fulton Island site . 7 The recent Jemseg Crossing Archaeological Project was a salvage operation at the area of impact for the proposed crossing of the Trans Canada Highway at Jemseg . 8 The nearby Meadows site was also recently excavated .9

A series of surveys in the lower Saint John River area ,0 followed Harper's 1excavation of a site at Portland Point ,2 but no other major excavations have been undertaken . 3Unfortunately, there appears to be little surviving evidence of prehistoric occupation at the mouth of the Saint John River .4 This area has been heavily impacted by modern construction activities. However, remnants of sites at Portland Point, Marble Cove, and Bentley Street may yet provide a glimpse of late prehistoric settlement patterns. The Marble Cove site sits at the end of an important portage route and Late Archaic remains link this site with the sites at Portland Point and Cow Point . 5Recent testing at the Bentley Street site has revealed a prehistoric occupation dating back at least 3000 years. 6

Snow was the first author to give a detailed consideration of prehistoric settlement and subsistence patterning on the Saint John River.7 Snow suggests that ancestral Maliseet lived in semipermanent villages located on salt water. These villages could range as far north as the Lakes Region which sits at the head of tide for the Saint John River. Snow's model involves logistical movements of small bands from these villages into upstream forests in the winter and to coastal (residential) encampments in the late spring and summer as important resources became available. 8 According to Snow winter campsites were scattered along the shores of the river, ponds, lakes, and most , tributaries, and summer campsites were found on the coast.9 Snow feels that the European fur trade had little affect on the Maliseet, since they followed a relatively mobile and diffuse settlement/subsistence pattern. He also suggests that whatever incentive there was to adopt horticulture disappeared with the intensification of the fur trade . 0 Thus, semipermanent villages, regular seasonal scheduling, and a dense population lead to development of a tribal sociopolitical system for the Maliseet . 1 According to David Sanger 2 Snow's model appears to be based primarily on Speck's (1940) characterization of the Penobscot in Maine, which he applies wholesale to the Saint John River region without adequate confirmation from archaeological evidence. 3

In a recent detailed study of the major lithic source areas at Témiscouata, Tobique, and Munsungun, Burke (2000) reviewed the archaeological evidence for settlement and subsistence patterning for the interior of the Saint John River waterway. He considered three possible scenarios, namely, that the population of the waterway consisted of (1) two distinct groups with little interaction, (2) two distinct groups with considerable interaction and fluid group membership, or (3) a coastal group occupying the interior on a seasonal basis .4 He eventually settled on a model with two distinct populations. The interior population was characterized as small, mobile, family-based groups that used the major lithic resources as part of their annual round .5 The coastal group was considered more sedentary, with a specialized coastal economy. Lithics are seen as an important element in the social and economic interactions between the two groups. Burke's model appears to compliment Sanger's "two population" model for the St. Croix-Passamaquoddy Bay region .6

Area III: Eastern New Brunswick

The eastern shoreline of New Brunswick formed part of the early historic Mi'kmaq territory , which extended eastward into modern Prince Edward Island and southward into Nova Scotia. 7Archaeological activity in the area has been sporadic. Late in the last century, a protohistoric copper kettle burial was reported in the Tabusintac area .8 This area was recently revisited by Ferguson (1988). Goodwin presented a brief report on sites in the Cape Tormentine area, including a possible lithic quarry site on Jourmain Island. 9In 1913, W. J. Wintemberg and H. I. Smith surveyed the east coast and collected specimens for the National Museum . 0 They reported the presence of shellmiddens at Dalhousie and Shediac Island, and several small sites in the Bathurst area. Gorham reported a protohistoric burial at Red Bank, on the Miramachi River,1 and two years later Wintemberg tested an early Woodland burial site in the same area. 2Theodore Stoddard briefly visited southeastern New Brunswick during his 1950 survey and later conducted an excavation at the Graham site, an early historic Mi'kmaq dwelling in the Richibucto area 3 In the late 1960s, surveys were conducted by Pearson and Martijn , but the first sustained period of research occurred in the 1970s. 4 On the Miramichi, excavations were conducted at Bartibog 5 and at the Oxbow site and Augustine mound in Red Bank . 6 Over 100 sites have been recorded in the Red Bank area and limited field work was conducted into the 1980s, including the testing of several large storage pits on the upper terrace above the Oxbow site .7 Another Protohistoric copper kettle burial was reported in the Richibucto area . 8Excavations were also conducted at Old Mission Point , at the mouth of the Restigouche River. 9 Survey work has been undertaken in the Tracadie Estuary area . 0and Kouchibouquac .1 A recent shoreline survey from Shediac to Shemogue Harbour 2 was followed by excavations at Shediac Island and Skull Island, in Shediac Bay . 3

Narratives by LeClerq and Denys provide a model for the early historic period on the east coast, involving year-round moose and caribou hunting, winter and summer beaver and bear hunting, warm weather birding, and fall fishing of cod, salmon, and eels, and ice-fishing in the winter . 4 Burley characterizes the Protohistoric Mi'kmaq of the northeast as generalized hunter-gatherers, using a central location (i.e., residential site) from which to exploit resources in two or more areas.5 His model for the entire ancestral Mi'kmaq region in the late prehistoric period emphasizes the importance of fishing and food preservation, the gathering of shellfish and sea mammal hunting in spring and mid-winter, and the year-round hunting of ungulates .6

For the late prehistoric Miramichi area, Allen pictures large summer villages along the riverside, which focussed on fishing of Atlantic salmon and Atlantic sturgeon, and to a lesser extent on smelt, gaspereau, shad, stripped bass, and tom cod.7 Fish were dried and smoked for winter and the surplus could be traded. There were also spring and summer visits to the seashore for birds eggs and beach peas. In the fall, migratory birds were hunted on coastal marshes. During the fall, residents of the Miramichi began to move to winter camps on upper terraces, where large storage pits were filled with pots and baskets of dried and smoked fish, smoked fowl, fruits, nuts and edible grains . 8 With some local resource variation, this adaption might be extended to the coastal lagoon-estuary localities at Tracadie and Kouchibouguac .9 Keenlyside also notes that prime fishing locations on the Tracadie River drainage, such as prominent points of land or shoreline locations where the channel changes direction, were clearly an important consideration in the choice of habitation sites.00 The occurrence of exotic lithics from Cape Breton Island, the Bay of Fundy, and Ramah Bay at Tracadie sites 01 seem to lend support to Loring's regional exchange hypothesis for the late prehistoric period. 02

Archaeological evidence for the 16th century suggest that traditional summer fishing villages were abandoned after European contact and people began to move to the coast to trade 03 The faunal information from archaeological sites suggests more variety in site seasonality on the east coast, compared to the Fundy coast . 04 Stewart suggests that the discrepancy between the faunal evidence from the Fundy and northeast coast sites may be indicative of an ethnic split, with the ancestral Mi'kmaq using coastal sources mostly in the summer and the ancestral Maliseet-Passamaquoddy using coastal resources mostly in the winter.05

As archaeological evidence accumulates for the late prehistoric/protohistoric period, more fine-grained studies of settlement form and mobility patterns in different portions of the province may be possible, like Black's study of the Bliss Islands.06 For most of the region we are forced to look at large scale similarities and differences in landscape and resource availability. There is a possibility that the Chiputneticook-St. Croix Drainage and Passamaquoddy Bay area had two distinct populations during the Woodland period. The St. Croix River is difficult to navigate. In fact, from the Chiputneticook Lakes, it is easier to travel via portages to the Saint John River than to use the St. Croix. An interior population would have had greater access to lithic resources, nut trees, terrestrial fauna, and freshwater fish. The Quoddy region is a rich marine environment with sheltered coastal campsites and a number of large islands. Terrestrial fauna could be hunted near the coast and on some of the larger islands. Harbor seals are attracted to fresh water estuaries, rivers, and lakes 07 in the early spring and summer, and harbor porpoise is a year round resident . 08 Cod was resident and abundant in the insular area and salmon and gaspereau could be harvested in the spring at the Milltown Falls above the St. Croix estuary. 09 Waterfowl was also available along the coast and eggs could be collected from rocky islands. North Mountain cherts and Kineo-Traveller Mountain porphyry appear as exotics in local lithics assemblages and may have been part of a late prehistoric coastal exchange system ,10 that might also have included birchbark and sea mink . 11

The landscape of the Saint John River area is dominated by a large navigable river system and a large central lake system. Portages facilitate movement between this and surrounding areas. The Tobique is a medium sized river system which links the Saint John and St. Lawrence rivers. It is difficult to imagine a single cohesive, mobile population exploiting this extensive system in prehistoric times. Two or more distinct residential groups could have easily shared this area . 12 Archaeological evidence indicates at least three population centers (i.e., clusters of sites), associated with the estuary, Lakes Region, and the confluence of the Tobique and Saint John rivers. Of the three archaeological areas, this one would have had the most variety in faunal and floral resources. For example, nut trees and shrubs were more numerous, although nut yields are quite variable, with beechnut, hazelnut, and butternut having large crops about every second or third year . 13 A major difference was in access to good quality lithic resources, with Munsungun Lake, Tobique, and Washademoak sources being located in this area. Not surprisingly, lesser amounts of exotic lithics are associated with this area.

The Eastern Coastal area is characterized by numerous medium sized river systems running parallel to one another and draining into the Gulf of St. Lawrence and Northumberland Strait. In the north, broad estuaries and lagoons are common. The archaeological evidence suggests at least two major residential populations on the east coast, one centered on the Miramichi River in the north and another in the southeast. Anadromous fish were particularly important in the north, including Atlantic salmon, gaspereau, and sturgeon. While walrus and harp seal remains have been found in shellmiddens in the Quoddy region,14 they would have occurred in much larger numbers along the east coast . 15 Oysters, quahogs, and common mussels were more important on the east coast, compared to soft shell clams in Passamaquoddy Bay. The waters of the Bay of Fundy are too cold for oysters, although they were available in the Minas Basin area during Archaic times. 16 This area had the least access to good quality lithic materials. More exotic lithics, as well as copper, was acquired from what is now Nova Scotia, including the Ingonish quarry off Cape Breton Island. The acquisition of these exotics was probably facilitated through ties with other ancestral Mi'kmaq groups to the south.

Areas like Passamaquoddy Bay, the Lakes Region, and the Miramichi River were resource rich during the late prehistoric and protohistoric periods. It would be foolhearty to suggest a simple settlement and subsistence model for the entire province, or for the entire time period. Sanger even notes the ambiguous nature of the terms "coastal" and "interior" when considering aboriginal land use patterns.17 Sites on estuaries, on rivers above the head of tide, or on lakes close to the coast are difficult to categorize. Based on the current re-assessment of resource use, this author prefers a very flexible settlement and subsistence model, like the general "mosaic" model suggested by Nash and Miller which takes into account local resource variability over time. 18 Black's Bliss Island study indicates that resource and land use can change quickly from an archaeological perspective. 19 Native populations were sensitive to changing resource availability and adapted their movements and settlement system accordingly.

Notes:

1 Ganong 1899

2 Bailey 1887; Baird 1882; Goodwin 1893; Matthew 1884

3 Ganong 1899

4 Speck and Hadlock 1946

5 Erickson 1978:124

6 Allen 1983; Carlson 1981; Hale 1984, 1986; Kopec 1984; Sanger 1973b

7 Armstrong 1982; Deal 1984a; Kopec 1985

8 Deal 1984b, 1985, 1986

9 Maclure 1980

10 Matthew 1884 Baird 1882

11 Bell and Schley 1970; Davis 1980, Davis and Christianson 1981; Pearson 1970; Stoddard 1950

12 Sanger 1987

13 Davis 1978

14 Ferguson and Turnbull 1980

15 Lavoie 1971

16 Bishop 1983; Fowler 1966; Hammon-Demma 1984

17 Black 1984a, 1985, 1988, Blair 2000, Davis and Ferguson 1980

18 Hoffman 1955

19 Sanger 1971c

20 Sanger 1982, 1987; Stewart 1989

21 Sanger 1987

22 Snow 1980:42 ff.

23 Sanger 1987;139

24 Sanger 1987:140

25 Sanger 1987:14

26 Sanger 1987:113

27 Sanger 1976, 1987

28 Sanger 1987:117-120

29 Sanger 1987:119

30 Snow 1980:51

31 Sanger 1987:125

32 Sanger 1986:154; 1987:132

33 Deal et al. 1991:172

34 Snow 1980

35 Black and Turnbull 1986

36 Black 1993:101

37 Black and Turnbull 1986

38 Black and Turnbull 1986:401

39 Black 1992

40 Black 1992:151

41 Black 1992:152 ff.

42 Sanger 1987

43 Black 1992:155

44 Black 1992:153

45 Loring's 1988

46 Erickson 1978:124

47 Moorehead 1922:233-236

48 Adney 1933; Bradstreet 1996; Clarke 1968

49 Allen 1975, 1976; Buchanan 1989; Ferguson 1982; Sanger 1967, 1971a; Stoddard 1950:74-79; Turnbull

1990

50 Turnbull 1990:25

51 David Keenlyside 1993

52 Bailey 1887; Kain 1902; Matthew 1896 1900

53 Pearson 1968a

54 Davis 1971

55 Sanger 1971b, 1973a

56 Turnbull 1975

57 Foulkes 1981

58 Blair 1997a, b, 1998

59 Varley 1999:43

60 Burley 1975; Fisher 1964, 1965; Turnbull 1974a

61 Harper's 1956

62 Harper 1954

63 Jeandron 1996

64 Burley 1975

65 Burley 1975:37-38

66 Allen 1998

67 Snow 1980

68 Snow1980:45

69 Snow 1980; 47

70 Snow 1980:46

71 Snow 1980:48

72 David Sanger 1998, pers. comm.

73 Sanger 1986

74 Burke 2000:164

75 Burke 2000:337-339

76 Sanger 1986:153-154

77 Erickson 1978:124

78 McMillan 1886

79 Goodwin 1893

80 Wintemberg 1914

81 Gorham 1928

82 Wintemberg 1937

83 Stoddard and Dyson 1956

84 Pearson 1968b; Martijn 1968

85 Burley 1974, 1976

86 Allen 1981; Emin 1978; Turnbull 1976

87 Allen 1984, 1988, 1991

88 Turnbull 1984

89 Turnbull 1974b; Turnbull and Turnbull 1974

90 D. L. Keenlyside 1990; J. B. Keenlyside 1970; Keenlyside and Keenlyside 1976

91 Foulkes 1982; Lavoie 1972

92 Leonard 1988

93 Leonard 1996

94 Hoffman 1955

95 Burley 1981:207

96 Burley 1983

97 Allen 1991:23

98 Allen 1991:33

99 Nash and Miller 1987:48

100 Keenlyside 1990:32

101 Keenlyside 1990

102 Loring 1988

103 Allen 1991:37

104 Stewart 1989:56

105 Stewart 1989:74

106 Black 1992

107 Beck 1983

108 Gaskin 1983

109 Rojo 1987

110 Loring 1988

111 Black et al. 1998

112 Burke 2000

113 Asch Sidell 1999:205

114 Pearson 1970

115 Kingsley 1998

116 Deal and Rutherford 2001

117 Sanger 1987:137-138

118 Nash and Miller 1987

119 Black 1992, and this volume