THE EVOLUTION OF FRENCH FIRST-LANGUAGE EDUCATION IN NEWFOUNDLAND AND LABRADORBy Elizabeth Murphy& Joan Netten
Much of the literature published on French first-language
programs is devoted to legal issues of control and management
(see Foucher,1991; Martel,1991) or to questions regarding the
cognitive processes involved in language learning (see
Cummins,1981,1986; Landry, 1982,1984). For this reason, and
because of its relative newness, many educators not directly
involved with French first-language education may be unfamiliar
with the program, its characteristics, aims, history, and
challenges. The purpose of this article is therefore to provide
such information and, in particular, in relation to the
Newfoundland context.
In order to achieve the first goal, the French first-
language educational program in the province is similar to that
of the anglophone program. It strives to attain the goals of
education as formulated in the Aims of Education of Newfoundland
-and Labrador (1984). Since all subjects are taught in French
except for English language arts, learning resources are chosen
which replicate as far as possible those used in the anglophone
part of the system. Instruction in English language arts begins
in grade 4 and consists of a daily period throughout the program.
In general, time allotments and the areas studied are similar in
both systems.
The specific objectives of the French school include to:
To achieve these aims, French is used as the language of the
school's administration. All teachers and personnel are expected
to be francophone. Most importantly, "the school encourages
parental participation in school matters...and creates and
maintains close ties with the francophone community of the
immediate vicinity as well as with other francophone communities"
(Province of Newfoundland,1991a,p.4).
One of the major adjustments needed in order to initiate a
French first-language program was the development of school-
leaving requirements for francophone students. These students are
subject to similar requirements as anglophones with the exception
of the relative importance of English and French language
requirements.
The differing language requirements reflect the linguistic
and cultural goals of the French first-language system as well as
the ways in which the program is different from the anglophone
programs, including French immersion. In fact, French first-
language education is quite distinct from French immersion
although some similarities in curriculum exist. French immersion
is a second-language program designed to teach French to those
whose mother tongue is not French by immersing the student in a
French language environment in the classroom. Teachers are fluent
in French but may or may not be francophone. Curriculum materials
used are often those prepared for use in FFL programs, although
with tremendous expansion of French immersion education in
Canada, new curriculum resources are being developed which are
prepared specifically for the French immersion student. Learning
materials prepared specifically for French immersion pupils tend
to be somewhat simpler in vocabulary and grammatical structures
than those used by native francophones.
A considerable difference between the two programs is the
amount of instructional time in French. In the French immersion
program, instructional time in French decreases in favour of
English as the student advances through the program. The aim is
to make students fluent in French without negatively affecting
their English language skills. In contrast, in the French first-
language program, the percentage of instructional time in English
remains the same throughout the program with the emphasis being
on the development of French language skills. These distinctions
may seem rather subtle but are of major importance in order to
understand the two programs and the second language acquisition
theories on which they are based.
In essence, French first-language education is, in most
provinces including Newfoundland and Labrador, a minority-
language program, whereas French immersion was conceived as a
program for the "majority" child. Basically, the majority child
lives in an environment in which the language spoken at home is
reinforced by the surrounding community whereas the minority
child lives in an environment in which his or her first language
is not strongly supported outside of the home or the school. It
is for this reason that French first-language education, as is
the case in Newfoundland and Labrador is often called French
minority-language education which "refers to the opportunity for
those people who do not speak the language of the majority to
receive schooling in their mother tongue". (Province of
Newfoundland,1986,p.49). The distinction between majority and
minority describes the sociolinguistic milieu within which
schooling is provided and is the determining factor in designing
the two programs.(see Lambert, Cummins).
In 1969, the adoption of the Official Languages Act
accorded equal status, rights and privileges to English and
French languages in Canada. In 197O, the Government of Canada
instituted a program of financial contributions to the provinces
"aimed at giving official-language minorities the opportunity to
be educated or have their children educated in their own
language" (Commissioner of Official Languages,199O,p.1O).
However, for francophone minorities in many provinces, economic
support was not sufficient. Political or constitutional
recognition of minority-language education rights was necessary.
In 1982, Section 23 of the Canadian Charter of Rights and
Freedoms provided this recognition and guaranteed the linguistic
rights of both official language groups as well as the right to
minority-language education. In brief, Section 23 guarantees that
a parent has the right for his/her child to be educated in French
if either parent satisfies any of the following criteria:
The Charter further states that the right to minority-language
education "applies wherever in the province the number of
children of citizens who have such a right is sufficient to
warrant the provision to them out of public funds of minority
language instruction".
The earliest French first-language classes were established
in Labrador City in 196O in order to accommodate children of
francophone miners from Qu‚bec and New Brunswick. The Labrador
Roman Catholic School Board, in two of its schools, Notre Dame
Academy and Labrador City Collegiate, has provided French
education to these students using a curriculum from Qu‚bec. For
their final year of high school, these students attend a school
in Fermont, Qu‚bec where they may pursue their studies at a
College d'enseignement g‚n‚ral et professionel (C‚gep). Many of
these students pursue post-secondary education programs in
Qu‚bec.
In 1975, a French immersion Kindergarten was established at
Our Lady of the Cape Primary School at Cape St-Georges on the
Port-au-Port Peninsula marking the beginning of French immersion
education in the province. However, attempts at maintaining the
French language and culture of the region were hindered by the
dominance of anglophone culture and institutions. For many years
in the area, not only was education available solely in English,
but use of the French language in schools was often discouraged
and, at times, forbidden. Initially, it was thought that the
immersion program could respond to the linguistic and cultural
needs of the francophone community; however, it soon became
evident that as a program designed for anglophones learning a
second language, immersion did not respond to the desires of the
francophone community to restore its French language and
heritage. In the Report of the Policy Advisory Committee on
French Programs, the members recommended
The Committee further stressed that
In 1983, in Mainland, another community on the peninsula,
discussions began between a group of parents and the Port-au-Port
Roman Catholic School Board. Parents were requesting that a
French first-language program be established in the community's
primary school. Discussion and lobbying continued; however, the
school board responded that it "could not meet the request until
the whole question of French educational programming had been
thoroughly examined" (Cormier,Crocker,Netten,Spain,1985,p.6).
Finally, in September, 1987, after considerable lobbying on the
part of parents from the region, and following recommendations
from a study established by the provincial ministry of education,
the immersion classes were converted to French first-language
classes. During this same year, it was announced that a French
first-language school/community centre would be built in
Mainland. The facility, largely financed by federal funds,
officially opened in 1989 and now serves as a symbol of revival
of French culture, language and identity for the people of the
region. At the same time, the French immersion classes at Cape
St-Georges became French first-language classes.
In St. John's, the French first-language classes opened in
September, 199O after a long period of lobbying and negotiation
which began in 1987. At that time, a petition containing the
names of 23 students requesting the establishment of French-first
language classes was sent to the Roman Catholic School Board for
St. John's. When the school board rejected the petition, a
committee of parents was formed to lobby for the classes. The
committee submitted a formal proposal to the board requesting the
start-up of a French section in a French immersion school. In
January, 1988, the board conducted a registration to estimate the
demand for French programs. When only 17 children registered, the
board refused to set up French classes. After an appeal by the
parents to the Department of Education, the Minister created an
advisory committee to study the problem. This committee made
certain recommendations but negotiations ended because the
parents perceived no commitment on the part of government to
francophone education in the province.
In August, 1988, the parents decided to take their case
before the courts under Section 23 of The Charter and named the
provincial government and the school board as defendants. The
parents' committee then joined other parents' committees in the
province forming La Fédération des parents francophones de Terre-
Neuve et du Labrador (FPFTNL) which received financial assistance
from the Department of the Secretary of State to help in its
efforts to obtain French education in Newfoundland and Labrador.
A date was set for the court case; however, due to a change in
government, negotiations were reopened to settle the problem out
of court. As part of the new attempt at resolving the problem, a
survey was conducted to determine the number of francophones in
the region. The conclusion of the survey which was conducted by a
third party was that there were sufficient numbers to offer
registration. Following the survey, the two parties entered into
negotiations which led to an out-of-court settlement. After three
years of negotiations, French first-language classes began in
September, 199O in St. John's at the school under study.
(Fédération des parents francophones de Terre-Neuve et du
Labrador,199O).
During the 1992-93 school year, a total of 258 students were
enroled in French first-language schools in Newfoundland and
Labrador. All of these students attended Roman Catholic schools
in St. John's, Labrador City or on the Port-au-Port Peninsula.
The French-only school in Mainland on the Port-au-Port Peninsula
operates classes from K-8 with a total enrolment of 71 students.
Another 68 students were enroled in the K-8 all-French school in
Cap St-Georges and 27 were enroled in the 9-12 dual-track school
(English and French Stream). In Labrador, where French first-
language education takes place in 2 schools (one K-6 and one 7-
1O), enrolment totalled 55. The Roman Catholic School Board for
St. John's offered French first-language classes at Ecole St.
Patrick with 37 students enroled in Kindergarten to Grade 5.
The considerable differences amongst the three communities
also creates challenges. While the general aims of French first-
language education are accepted by all, the route to educational
success may not be the same in all three communities due to the
educational and social background of the parents, the strength of
the linguistic heritage of each group and the length of time
French first-language education has been available to each
community. It will take time to introduce a new provincially
developed curriculum into the long tradition of a strong Québec-
based program in Labrador, to develop an indigenous French first-
language trained teaching population in the Port-au-Port
Peninsula and to build a strong program in the St. John's area
that will correspond to the needs of the entire francophone
community.
There is also the difficult question of governance. In order
for the French first-language program to respond to the needs of
the francophone community, control and management of the program
must in some way and to some degree be accorded to those who
legally hold ownership. In the precedent-setting Mahé case
(199O), the courts established a "sliding scale" whereby the
degree of management and control would depend on the number of
children involved. In the context of this case, the Supreme Court
of Canada also ruled in relation to section 23 that,
The provincial government has established a committee to
study the question of control and management of French schools
and is expected to present its report in the near future. While
no decisions have yet been made, it does appear that the francophone population in the area concerned should have
a significant amount of control over francophone education; that
is to say, francophones should decide on matters
referring to curriculum, staffing, and other pedagogical
aspects of their schooling. (Province of
Newfoundland,1986,p.51)
Finally, the most problematic aspect of French first-
language education in the province relates to the size of the
francophone population. The low numbers of francophones in the
province raises questions about the viability of the program
itself, about the possibility of governance and about the
linguistic and cognitive development of the students involved.
Yet, without this form of education, a valuable cultural
community risks assimilation.
If past events are indicative of future trends, it is likely
that French first language programs will continue to grow. At the
same time, the pattern of development of this type of education
along with its aims and objectives raise complex and provocative
questions and many issues have yet to be resolved. It is not
clear whether or not the program's aims and objectives can be
realized effectively in an essentially anglophone society such as
Newfoundland's. The role of parents in control and management of
the program will continue to be a subject of debate which may
find resolution only in the courtroom. The program's impact on
the French communities and cultures of this province has yet to
be measured and it is not known whether or not this impact is as
intended.
As well, other issues will arise as French first-language
education grows and expands and those responsable for the
programs will need to determine answers to broader questions such
as: What is the impact of French first-language education on
other programs such as French immersion? To what extent can the
education system provide for the needs of minority groups? Can
the province afford to make French first-language education work?
Can it afford not to?
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